It is close to the groups in power wherein its powers and responsibilities flow from loosely defined delegations of executive power. It could also gather political intelligence and conduct aggressive countering operations against political opposition.
Its operations are directed by the agency officials rather than the elected officials. The internal role of an intelligence agency essentially revolves around counter-intelligence activities and domestic intelligence duties.
Counter-intelligence aims to thwart the efforts of hostile countries which threaten national security through activities like espionage, subversion, sabotage or assassination. Whereas domestic intelligence is concerned with:. Such threats could come from groups that seek to overthrow the government by illegal means, that seek to use violence to change government policies, or that seek to exclude from the body politic members of a given ethnic,racial, or religious group.
There are different definitions of domestic intelligence which need to be highlighted. This therefore gives rise to the label 'political police' which makes its role different from other internal functions which focus on intelligence generated to deter criminal activity or for law enforcement purposes. What the state seeks from an intelligence organisation is information which can provide assistance in the maintenance of control in order to achieve the desired policies. If an intelligence agency does not confine its activities within a framework of the law then it proves detrimental to the pursuit of democracy.
National security policy makers are forced to balance security needs with pluralistic interests and expectations. Therefore an intelligence organisation must be subject to civilian control:.
Its growth was, paradoxically, actually aided by the unpopularity of security and policing agencies; forced by this into the lowest possible visibility, they learned to develop techniques of invisible influence and control.
The study of intelligence agencies necessarily involves the three inter-linked concepts of information, power and law. The objective of intelligence organisations is to obtain information often by transgressing the law in order to ensure there is no threat to the power of the state. Theoretically, decision-making in government is supposed to have the benefit of intelligence inputs. To that extent an intelligence agency has the ability to influence decisions in its own way by providing or withholding information from decision makers.
In turn this affects the manner in which the government is able to exercise its power. Intelligence agencies often feel the need to obtain information through illegal means like telephone tapping, audio-surveillance or bugging, breaking into buildings to access documents, torture individuals etc.
These activities of intelligence agencies if exposed in the media can prove to be highly detrimental to the position and image of the government. Yet the government becomes a party to the acts of omission and commission of the intelligence organisations.
For the politico-bureaucratic leadership often intelligence-related activities could prove to be an enormous embarrassment and therefore these agencies remain low-profile faceless organisations. This particularly pays the government dividends when it has to publicly deny any involvement about the role of an intelligence agency which comes to light.
Invariably such a situation arises when the agency has mishandled an operation which then gives rise to a problem. It could either be related to human rights or to a violation of a citizen's privacy. Thus intelligence organisations as a faceless facet of governance amount to an invisible government. An intelligence agency, though a part of the bureaucracy, has some notable differences which stem from the nature of its relationship to the state and society.
The agency attempts to maintain its autonomy from the state in terms of targets, nature of operations and counter-strategies.
It also helps an agency to resist encroachment by other state agencies and thereby ensure its autonomy. Significantly, secrecy is integral to sustain such autonomy.
The other issue is the intelligence agency-society relationship. The agency in its information-gathering operations has to neccesssarily penetrate society. These operations which are conducted on some occasions against resistance and otherwise unheeded are aimed at the state's endeavour to maintain security and order. Governments often tend to confuse their own security with security of the state in the context of domestic politics.
These threats have three dimensions-internal, external and externally fostered internal security vulnerabilities. In view of such a situation an intelligence organisation tasked with ensuring the security of state, is involved with both internal and external security functions. Some countries have separate intelligence organisations to operate internally and externally while others have a single organisation for both internal and external operations.
While internal and external threats do not merit further elaboration, the externally fostered internal security threat needs definition.
It is an amalgam of these two threats wherein a foreign power is involved with providing assistance to insurgency or ethnic groups pursuing separatist demands. Similarly a foreign power attempting to destabilise another country's government using the latter's citizens through economic warfare or other means also falls under this category. It would therefore be relevant to make a distinction between the role intended of an intelligence agency in promoting internal security functions and its track record gleaned from the print media or book length studies.
In the case of the ISI it appears that the agency has attempted to pursue its intended role as well as interfere in domestic politics.
The latter role gains importance from the fact that it directly impacts on the political instability in Pakistan. However as the first signs of seccessionism surfaced in the erstwhile East Pakistan during the late s the politco-bureaucratic leadership suspected the sympathies of Bengali IB officers and directed the ISI to operate there. This explains how the ISI role in domestic politics developed over the years. Thereafter the government-of-the-day determined the priorities and directions of the intelligence agencies.
In turn these directives shaped the professional culture and orientation of intelligence agencies in the country. One commonality between these regimes whether military or civil was that they used intelligence agencies to dabble in domestic politics. He highlights the priorities of military intelligence being more on internal intelligence rather than on external intelligence. Mirza attributes Pakistan's military failure in one of the Indo-Pakistan wars, among others issues, to this incorrect orientation of the military intelligence apparatus.
The ISI is seen by many people to be an unwanted legacy of military rule. While under martial law regimes, the agency's expanding constitutional role was at least understandable, because with the Constitution suspended, the will of the military dictator took precedence over every rule, law and tradition; but after the end of military rule and restoration of the Constitution, for ISI's functioning to go beyond its parameters was violative of the Constitution.
It also defied the regulations that govern the network of agencies and institutions that serve the armed forces. Under the Ayub regime, the ISI after the commencement of the Indo-Pakistan war was apparently unable to locate an Indian armoured division due to its preoccupation with political affairs.
During the Ayub Khan years the ISI's professionalism comes across when it convinced him against a particular course of action related to involvement in internal politics.
This incident relates to the military dictator's decision to assassinate his political rival Nawabzada Nasrullah Khan. However the ISI told the President that he would soil his hands as the proposed victim had no personal enemities and the murder could be easily traced back especially if committed by a state organ. Similarly during the Zulfiquar Ali Bhutto regime the IB was accused of malpractices going by the fact that its chief was shunted out of office unlike his ISI counterpart.
Bhutto has been credited with strengthening the ISI role in domestic politics and in the mid s, during his leadership there were problems in Balochistan and North-West Frontier Province which neccessitated the creation of ISI political cells in these areas. This was because the leadership distrusted Pathan and Baloch IB officers.
The activities of some were, however, kept under discreet, decent, unobtrusive and invisible 'watch'. At times, we were also ordered to bug the telephones of some individuals. Such orders came in writing from the Prime Minister himself. This authority he had not delegated to anyone else. We would compile the report and sent it to the PM with appropriate recommendations to continue or discontinue the watch. The Pakistan Government brought out a White Paper which focuses on the role of intelligence agencies in the country and particularly their internal involvement.
The role of the Intelligence agencies of the State as a political arm of the PPP regime, particularly in relation to the general elections, raises many questions. When politics permeates such sensitive institutions as the Intelligence Bureau or the Inter-Services-Intelligence Directorate, it naturally deflects them from their prime concern with the State's external and internal security.
Political bias against dissenting political parties which are a very necessary component of a democratic society, also tends to complicate and distort the task of State security.
The ISI not only kept tabs on the Bhutto family when they were in the country but also during their stay abroad. In one instance a Pakistani surveillance team attempted to keep track of Benazir even while she was in political exile in London.
She then telephoned Scotland Yard and complained about a car-load of men waiting outside her house. Only after that the Pakistani intelligence ceased to intimidate her in London. A former Punjab Governor the late Lt General Ghulam Jillani Khan himself once reportedly expressed apprehensions about being under surveillance during the Zia regime.
General Ghulam Jillani Khan was a father figure credited with nurturing the ISI rise from a peripheral to a powerful organisation in Pakistan. Given his intimate knowledge of ISI's policy directives he may not have had misplaced fears. In a genuine democracy symbolised by committed party workers and a free press the role of an intelligence agency tends to get diluted due to the active role of democratic institutions.
Similarly in a 'limited' or 'guided' democracy which prevails in Pakistan the converse is true. Pakistan since creation faces a problem of political leadership which can be traced to the colonial rule.
During the British Indian regime local influentials proved to be suitable candidates for elections to the provincial assemblies. It was an external element in the provincial politics. Hence provincial political leaders and bureaucrats developed a degree of suspicion towards the Muslim League.
In the process bureaucracy controlled the flow of funds rather than the political party. These factors enabled the bureaucracy to eclipse the political leadership and assert itself in the first decade of independence.
Subsequently power shifted from the bureaucracy to the military which then assumed the mantle of leadership for almost two and a half decades. On account of these factors the development of democracy remained dwarfed in the country. In the absence of democracy there was no scope for political parties to develop into strong organisations. In the sense that a politically well-managed party voted to power would depend on its workers for information about political, economic and social developments around the country.
Similarly democracy is also synonymous with a free press which provides the pulse of the nation and amounts to an information channel for the government. Moreover, the hallmark of news media being timely and credible news-reportage, it provides the best source of information to the leadership as a tool for governance.
Thus the lack of democracy for almost two and a half decades has denied the nation two important information channels, namely, the political parties and the press, which are so necessary for good governance. The Pakistani generals during their two and a half decades of military rule did not opt for these democratic sources of information available to them. Instead they had to rely on their intelligence agency as the sole source of information as a tool for governance. While the military has directly ruled the country for almost half its existence earlier it has also indirectly ruled during the other half through its intelligence agency.
Evidently the military never wanted to release its hold on political power and preferred to remain a 'back seat driver' guiding or limiting the evolution of democracy in the country.
Moreover the generals were keen on supporting a friendly political regime that would agree to their terms and conditions in running the government. The intelligence agency owing to its close relationship with the military government was therefore able to emerge into a power centre in the country. During this period there was an uneasy relationship between the military and the political leadership when the country last experienced a decade of democracy.
While the military did not directly intervene in the political process the generals used the ISI as a lever to manipulate the course of politics to suit their interests. Essentially the generals wanted a civilian government that would not curtail their power and to that extent such democracy came to be termed 'limited', 'guided' or Islamic democracy. The ISI was variously used to prop up friendly political persona who enjoyed good relations with the military leadership and conversely to minimise the chances of success for a hostile leader through the creation of unfavourable conditions.
The ISI under a civilian government had to tread with care and caution so as not to embarrass the government. In the post-Zia period the military as an institution had become unpopular among the people just like it had earned a bad name for itself following the partition of Pakistan post The military after a loss of face on both occasions therefore preferred to withdraw to their cantonments.
During these 'democratic' interregnums the ISI political cell always remained active to ensure that the elected leaders did not pose a threat to the power of the military leadership. This threat to the generalship could emanate from an attempt to interfere with areas that were declared military turf, like for instance the Kashmir policy or nuclear policy. During the post-Zia period former President Ghulam Ishaq Khan's dismissal of then Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto from office on August 6, was a significant development highlighting the role of an intelligence agency in national politics.
The reasons officially stated were charges of corruption, failure to work with the provinces and attempts to question the powers of the armed forces. However Benazir said that the ISI was involved against her government which could be analysed in terms of the power of information. The ISI as the 'eyes' and 'ears' of the military would have had the power to influence the President to take a decision against Benazir. These conditions included: a to continue the late General Zia's Afghan policy b allow General Mirza Aslam Beg and Lt General Hamid Gul to continue in their appointments as Chief of Army Staff and Director General ISI respectively c not to depress the defence budget d not to initiate any accountability proceedings against army personnel.
After Benazir became the Prime Minister she had a problem with the ISI in the sense that an agency which was working against her till the other day now formed part of her government. She associated the agency with her father's judicial execution and saw it as a repressive arm of the military which therefore amounted to an attitudinal problem towards the ISI.
In tune with this mindset one of her first moves was to sack Brigadier retd Imtiaz from the ISI and close down its political division in early She also set up a committee under a former Air Chief Marshal Zulfiquar Ali Khan to review the functioning of intelligence agencies in the country. The objective of this exercise also aimed at a reorientation of the ISI exclusively for external intelligence and the IB for internal intelligence roles in the country.
However Benazir was out of office before the implementation of these reforms on the intelligence front were possible. Benazir Bhutto strengthened the role of the Intelligence Bureau for intelligence-gathering within the country in order to marginalise the participation of the ISI in this self-appointed mission. This reflected in the IB's budget increase to four times the existing figure. Benazir created 20 senior positions at the joint director level to strengthen the management structure in the organisation.
She increased the numerical strength of the subordinate-level operational staff by thrice the existing level and new IB cells were created at the tehsil headquarters and at all the police stations.
Another feature was computerisation of the IB offices around the country. The IB was activated against terrorism and narcotics related crimes by participating in liaison with foreign investigative agencies. Importantly, the IB charter expanded to include support for Taliban operations in Afghanistan. In post-Zia Pakistan, intelligence agencies were effectively used to topple governments. One such case pertains to how an intelligence agency was used to remove then Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto from office.
It has been reported that on July 17, an intelligence agency clandestinely recorded the. The room was bugged by the intelligence agency and the two leaders in the course of their private meeting at Islamabad discussed, among other issues, the possibility of mutual troop reduction. Apparently, Benazir was supposed to have agreed in principle to the proposal. In order to convince the Opposition and obtain their backing for the need to destabilise the government these tapes were reportedly played to them.
Rahimullah Yusufzai writes in the Newsline of January that the ruling party and the opposition were involved in big time spying against each other during the PPP's eventful 20 month rule. The deal also assured that one of the defectors would be made a Federal Minister if the IJI proved successful in its venture.
The attempt however proved to be abortive in the first attempt on November 1, when the vote of no confidence could go through. Thereafter they were successful the next year in the next attempt to do so. She said that the ISI influences the Army through the power of information.
While the Army respected her, its leadership was briefed by the ISI and therefore went against her interests. The caretaker government had appointed Major General Mohammad Assad Durrani after the dismissal of the previous regime. The next logical step was to reduce the importance of the IB which Benazir had strengthened as a counter-weight to the ISI. IC is large, composed of seventeen distinct.
Web Desk is the official author account of The News Tribe's editorial desk. This guide to the world's most important intelligence agencies is a work in progress. They are tasked with gathering intelligence, conducting various forms of espionage, advising the government when it comes to national security matters, spreading fake information, and, in the case of some agencies, even carrying out assassinations.
The DGSE was also formed somewhat recently replacing the old SDECE in , and was made quickly responsible for gathering intelligence, as well as keeping track of any espionage activities against French national interests. There are more than a dozen or so intelligence agencies working in Pakistan which.
Examines how the failure of the nation building policies of the United States have contributed to increased instability in both Pakistan and Afghanistan, a result which represents the greatest threat to peace and security in the global It was established with the help of the U.
Central Intelligence Agency and the Israeli Mossad. The agency maintains an energetic reference to major intelligence agencies in the world like the CIA and Mossad and MI6.
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Intelligence agencies are the first line of defense against potential internal and external threats. The headquarters are situated in the country's capital city, Islamabad. ISI Intelligence Agency Jobs - Ministry of Defence Jobs cabinet secretariat approved the jobs in its ministry of defence for the jobs of bps 01 to bps 09 for the civilian staff. Dulat and Asad Durrani. The title of this book reflects as to how his hard earned stripes were stolen and his medals broken by no one other than the top brass of the Navy since he had refused to tell a lie to safeguard their personal interests.
Share 0. The agency is tasked with gathering foreign intelligence from across the globe that could impact political and economic interests in the UK. The story of the dark side of the Afghan war - and how Pakistan degenerated into a nuclear-armed powder keg Eight years ago we chased the Taliban from Kabul and forced Al Qaeda to find a new home.
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They come in at No. The ISI was established in - as Pakistan engaged India in the first war over Kashmir - to be the top body co-ordinating the intelligence functions of its army, air force and navy. Intelligence Jobs Latest. Found inside — Page Intelligence agencies, however, in Pakistan and elsewhere have a tendency to A number of retired middle-ranking ISI officers have openly supported Pakistan's powerful intelligence agency, Inter-Services Intelligence ISI has been covertly running the military intelligence programs in Afghanistan before it was invaded by Soviet Union in The most powerful and active offensive intelligence agency of Pakistan engaged in Afghanistan and across the country to counter threats and challenges to national security.
Pakistan Intelligence Agency :Find latest news, top stories on Pakistan Intelligence Agency and get latest news updates. General Faiz is the highest-ranking foreign official to arrive in Kabul at the invitation of the Taliban Shura. Tell us how we can improve our information. Found insideThe Oxford Handbook of National Security Intelligence is a state-of-the-art work on intelligence and national security.
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